loCAtek wrote:No Jim, it's not personal in any way; I genuinely think that the evidence supports that Hicks received fair and just treatment at Gitmo.
Which evidence are you looking at then?
loCAtek wrote:No Jim, it's not personal in any way; I genuinely think that the evidence supports that Hicks received fair and just treatment at Gitmo.



From time to time the Government has been asked what offences Mr Hicks is said to have committed and why he could not be tried in Australia. The Government’s reply has been that he committed no offence under Australian law as it then stood, and the Prime Minister has said a number of times that the Government would not legislate retrospectively to cover the case, the impression given being either that the Government couldn’t pass such retrospective legislation, or that it would be in some way unfair to do so.
In an interview on ABC television’s 7.30 Report on 6 February last, the Attorney-General stated that it is possible that evidence obtained coercively (not from Mr Hicks himself but from others) could be used against him, the means involved being such as sleep deprivation, or questioning for up to 20 hours.
Some of these coercion techniques were graphically illustrated in the photographs published during the trial of members of the US military at the Abu Ghraib facility. A particularly repellent, but permitted, form of coercion is waterboarding, which involves the prisoner being repeatedly lowered, head first, into water until he is about to drown. The US military also does not regard torture as having taken place unless the act is “specifically intended to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering.”
One of the problems with the use of torture – apart from the objections of any civilized person to the procedures involved – is the extreme unreliability of the confessions obtained under torture. The press has in recent days heard much from the senior military prosecutor, Colonel Moe Davis. One wonders how long any of Colonel Davis’s military prosecutors would last under waterboarding before confessing to anything at all which they thought might end the torture.
The rules established by the Bush Administration for the conduct of military commissions permit them to accept statements extracted under coercion, and hearsay evidence. Colonel Davis last week said that prosecutors planned to use hearsay evidence against Mr Hicks. The commissions have a discretion to admit summaries of documents, and also to prevent the accused or his lawyers from being present, or even having access to evidence called by the prosecution in certain circumstances. It might also be remembered that in 2006, three members of the US military prosecutor’s office resigned in protest at the procedures proposed.
The statements of Mr Ruddock and Colonel Davis suggest that the first written statement made by Feroz Abbasi may be tendered in evidence by the prosecution without him being called as a witness. In an Australian criminal court, such a statement would be hearsay evidence and rejected. The rare occasions on which hearsay evidence may be admissible are not relevant in this context. The prosecution would be required to call Mr Abbasi to testify and he would be rigorously cross-examined as to the circumstances under which the statement was made and whether it was offered freely, under coercion, or in response to promises, say, of better treatment. Even if he verified the first statement, his later retraction would in any case seriously damage, if not destroy, any probative value in the former. Any “confessions” by David Hicks while in Guantanamo Bay tendered by the prosecution would almost inevitably be rejected for the same reasons as were given recently by the Victorian Court of Appeal in dealing with the confessions made by Jack Thomas under interrogation. Thomas’s later statements made on television stand, of course, in an entirely different category. But any prosecutor who tried in an Australian court to rely on evidence, knowing it had been obtained under coercion, would certainly leave the court with no reputation remaining for either fairness or competence.

So if tomorrow morning, Rush Limbaugh has an article published in an Australian newspaper, it would be fair to quote his opinions as "the latest piece in the Aussie press"?Yes, but it's still the latest piece in the Aussie press,
That's a shame; it doesn't speak well for the Australian press corps...(hint there are no "Hicks is a traitor" ones, )
Source?He was given 50x the recommended dose of mefloquine
Once again you have repeated the accusation that he was held in solitary for years, though the best information I have is that he was moved to solitary for a period of time in 2006, Less than a year before his release...(I already posted it.)after all those years of solitary and torture,
I would say treasonously rather than treacherously; the evidence is really quite straight forward:And you still haven't shown any examples of Hick acting treacherously
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_in_Afg ... present%29The War in Afghanistan began on October 7, 2001,[17] as the armed forces of the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, and the Afghan United Front (Northern Alliance) launched Operation Enduring Freedom.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_in_Afg ... present%29In January 2001, Hicks was provided with funding and an introductory letter from Lashkar-e-Taiba. He then travelled to Afghanistan to attend training
Now, while he's obviously attempting to whitewash his participation, he still admits that he was a willing. participant in military camp operated by the Taliban. (His claims about terrorism and civilians, even if they are true, would be irrelevant in assessing his status as a traitor.)There were three or four camps under the name of Camp Farouk at that time in Afghanistan. I attended the open mainstream camp, not terrorist camps. I would not have been there if there was any suggestion of terrorist activity or the targeting of civilians.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_HicksIn October and November 2001 Hicks wrote multiple letters to his mother, Sue King, back in Australia. He asked that replies were to be directed to Abu Muslim Austraili, a pseudonym he used to circumvent non-Muslim spies he believed intercepted correspondence. In these letters he detailed the validity of Jihad and his own prospect of "martyrdom".
As a Muslim young and fit my responsibility is to protect my brothers from aggressive non-believers and not let them destroy it. Islam will rule again but for now we must have patience we are asked to sacrifice our lives for Allah cause why not? There are many privileges in heaven. It is not just war, it is jihad. One reward I get in being martyred I get to take ten members of my family to heaven who were destined for hell, but first I also must be martyred. We are all going to die one day so why not be martyred?[32]
http://www.abc.net.au/archives/80days/s ... 412143.htmThree months after the September 11 terrorist attacks in the US, 26 year old Australian David Hicks was captured amongst Taliban forces in Afghanistan and handed over to the Americans.
(d) levies war, or does any act preparatory to levying war, against the Commonwealth; [Yes] or
(e) engages in conduct that assists by any means whatever, with intent to assist, an enemy:[Yes]
(i) at war with the Commonwealth, whether or not the existence of a state of war has been declared;[Yes]
(f) engages in conduct that assists by any means whatever, with intent to assist:
(i) another country;[Yes] or
(ii) an organisation;[Yes]





Well you see it that way, I don't (and certainly wouldn't if I were an Australian)Arguing his guilt is irrelevent.






Why? Were the laws governing treason changed after he was already in detention? Are the ones I quoted not the ones that existed at the time?only with retrospective laws could it have been done.



From time to time the Government has been asked what offences Mr Hicks is said to have committed and why he could not be tried in Australia. The Government’s reply has been that he committed no offence under Australian law as it then stood, and the Prime Minister has said a number of times that the Government would not legislate retrospectively to cover the case, the impression given being either that the Government couldn’t pass such retrospective legislation, or that it would be in some way unfair to do so.
http://australiansall.com.au/archive/po ... vid-hicks/
The Australian government has dropped its court battle to seize profits from a book written by a former Guantanamo Bay detainee, saying his admissions of terrorist activity before a US military commission could not be relied upon.
n Australia, criminals can be sued for money that a federal court determines is proceeds from their crimes, including indirect profits from book and movie deals. But it was unclear whether Australia's criminal profit law applied to Hicks because he pleaded guilty before a US military commission part of a justice system that has been widely criticised by lawyers and governments as unfair.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/ju ... drops-case
In Australian law, evidence of a confession is not admissible unless the court is satisfied the confession was not influenced by violent, oppressive, inhuman or degrading conduct, or by a threat of conduct of that kind.Does anyone believe this is not precisely how confessions were extracted at Guantanamo Bay?
However, what we ''believe'' is not the point. The point is that it was about to be proved in a court of law, as the DPP's actions demonstrate.
All the evidence pointed to the fact Hicks's statements about what he had done in Afghanistan were the result of mistreatment by the Americans. Indeed, Hicks's book goes into painful detail on that very subject, and on his attempts to get help from Australian authorities who were aware of his treatment. He has come dangerously close to proving this in court.
From the start, it must have been blindingly obvious to the prosecutors that the evidence they relied on to establish what Hicks had done was evidence produced by torture and oppressive treatment. The only conclusion to be drawn is that the government was banking on Hicks's poor psychological state and underestimated the support he would receive to obtain a just outcome under Australian law.
http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/politics/ ... 22n3x.html
Given the facts of the case and the nature of the law, that looks like a complete BS political cop-out to me. (I notice it's completely lacking in any specifics) It really looks to me they didn't try him because after the Gitmo detention the public wouldn't have been with them. Hicks' lawyers would have played on the popular mood to try to put the government on trial, (or Dick Cheney on trial or Donald Rumsfeld on trial...anyone but their client) and they didn't want the headache.The Government’s reply has been that he committed no offence under Australian law as it then stood, and the Prime Minister has said a number of times that the Government would not legislate retrospectively to cover the case,
So what? You wouldn't have needed his confession, or any other Gitmo evidence. As I pointed out in some detail, given what is known about his words and his actions independent of anything brought forward at Gitmo, there was extremely strong evidence to base a successful prosecution on, given the wording of the law.In Australian law, evidence of a confession is not admissible unless the court is satisfied the confession was not influenced by violent, oppressive, inhuman or degrading conduct, or by a threat of conduct of that kind.Does anyone believe this is not precisely how confessions were extracted at Guantanamo Bay?


